The Ghost Dance, a spiritual movement that swept through Native American tribes in the late 19th century, holds a significant place in American history, particularly for its tragic association with the Wounded Knee Massacre. Rooted in a vision of hope and cultural revival, the Ghost Dance promised a return to traditional ways of life and the reunion of the living with deceased ancestors. This article delves into primary source accounts from the period, specifically focusing on reports detailing the Ghost Dance among the Sioux, also known as Lakota and Dakota people. These firsthand narratives offer invaluable insights into the beliefs, rituals, and fervor surrounding the Sioux Ghost Dancing phenomenon in 1890.
Kicking Bear’s Description of the Ghost Dance Ritual
One of the earliest reports on the Ghost Dance among the Sioux comes from Kicking Bear, an influential Lakota leader who visited the prophet Wovoka, the Paiute man who initiated the Ghost Dance movement. Kicking Bear’s account, recorded in the spring of 1890, provides a glimpse into the nascent stages of the dance and the spiritual experiences associated with it. He described a ritualistic dance where participants, holding hands in a large circle of men and women alternating, danced continuously until exhaustion. This exertion, according to Kicking Bear, led to a trance-like state where dancers would “drop dead,” experiencing visions of the messiah and deceased relatives.
. . . [P]eople partaking in dance would get crazy and die, then the messiah is seen and all the ghosts. When they die they see strange things, they see their relatives who died long before. They saw these things when they died in ghost dance and came to life again. The person dancing becomes dizzy and finally drop dead, and the first thing they saw is an eagle comes to them and carried them to where the messiah is with his ghosts. . . .
Kicking Bear’s report highlights the central beliefs of the Ghost Dance. The fainting or trance was interpreted as a spiritual journey to the “ghost world,” facilitated by an eagle, a sacred symbol in many Native American cultures. Upon “reviving,” dancers brought back messages and objects from this spiritual realm, further solidifying the belief in the messiah’s power and the imminent return of the deceased.
The ritualistic clothing, particularly the “holy shirts and dresses,” were also described in detail. These garments, made of white muslin, were painted with symbolic imagery – blue stripes, yellow lines, and eagles – and adorned with eagle feathers. Kicking Bear emphasized the belief in the protective power of these ghost shirts, stating they were believed to be impervious to bullets, rendering them “dresses for war” and protection against enemies’ weapons. This aspect of the Ghost Dance, intertwining spiritual belief with practical concerns of safety and resistance, would become a crucial element in its interpretation by both Native Americans and the U.S. government. The inclusion of eagle feathers, not just on clothing but also as a sacred object capable of inducing trance, further underscores the deep spiritual significance attributed to the dance.
Mrs. Z. A. Parker’s Observation at Pine Ridge Reservation
A more detailed eyewitness account comes from Mrs. Z. A. Parker, a teacher on the Pine Ridge Reservation, who observed a Ghost Dance ceremony in October 1890. Her report provides a vivid description of the setting, participants, and the progression of the ritual. Arriving at the dance ground, she noted a large encampment of over three hundred tents arranged in a circle around a central pine tree decorated with offerings – cloth strips, eagle feathers, and other sacred items. This central tree served as a focal point for the ceremony, symbolizing a connection to the Great Spirit.
Pine Tree Adorned with Offerings for Ghost Dance at Pine Ridge, South Dakota, 1891. This image illustrates the type of sacred tree described by Mrs. Parker, central to the Ghost Dance ceremonies and adorned with offerings.
Parker’s account confirms the use of ghost shirts and dresses, noting that they were newly made and worn for the first time that day by about seventy men and forty women. She details the specific designs of these garments, highlighting the women’s dresses resembling loose robes with blue necklines painted with moons, stars, and birds, and adorned with feathers. Men’s ghost shirts and leggings were made of the same white cotton, painted red, and similarly decorated with naturalistic and celestial imagery. The deliberate rejection of white-made ornaments like beads, as Parker observed, underscores the Ghost Dance’s element of cultural revitalization and a rejection of white American influence.
The ceremony itself, as described by Parker, commenced with chants and processions around the circle of tents, culminating in a gathering around the central tree where medicine men and visionaries were assembled. The ritual progressed through distinct phases. Initially, participants marched in a circle chanting “Father, I come,” followed by intense wailing and lamentation for deceased relatives, accompanied by symbolic gestures of washing hands in dust and throwing it over their heads. This expression of grief and invocation of the Great Spirit aimed to facilitate communication with the deceased and plead for their return.
The dance intensified as participants formed a larger circle, holding hands and moving rapidly in a “needle’s eye” formation. Parker vividly describes the escalating excitement, with dancers swaying, swinging their arms, and moving as fast as possible until exhaustion and trance overtook them. The ground, churned into fine dust, enveloped the dancers, creating a dramatic and otherworldly atmosphere. People of all physical conditions participated, driven by the belief that the dance held curative powers.
They believed those who were sick would be cured by joining in the dance and losing consciousness. From the beginning they chanted, to a monotonous tune, the words
Father, I come; Mother, I come; Brother, I come;
Father, give us back our arrows.
The repetitive chant, a plea for the return of deceased relatives and traditional ways (“arrows” symbolizing traditional life), underscores the core desires driving the Ghost Dance. As dancers collapsed into unconsciousness, they were left undisturbed, and upon regaining consciousness, they were brought to the center to recount their visions to the medicine man, who then proclaimed these experiences to the crowd. Parker’s observation that “not one in ten claimed that he saw anything” reveals a degree of skepticism even among participants, yet the ritual persisted, fueled by hope and communal fervor. The repeated cycles of dancing, fasting, and purification through immersion in the creek highlight the dedication and intensity of the Ghost Dance practice.
William Selwyn’s Interview with Kuwapi: Beliefs and Prophecies
Further insights into the beliefs associated with the Sioux Ghost Dance are provided through an interview conducted by William T. Selwyn with Kuwapi (One they chased after), a Yankton Sioux man who had been spreading Ghost Dance doctrines. This interview, dated November 22, 1890, reveals the messianic prophecies and apocalyptic expectations that had become intertwined with the Ghost Dance religion.
Kuwapi’s responses to Selwyn’s questions illustrate the core tenets of the Ghost Dance as preached by figures like Short Bull at Rosebud Agency. He confirmed the belief in a “new messiah” who promised a “general resurrection” in the spring, coinciding with the return of buffalo and other game, restoring the traditional Native American way of life. This messiah, referred to as “father,” was believed to be the son of the Great Spirit and held the power to destroy the white race through a great cyclone or whirlwind, from which faithful Ghost Dancers would be protected.
Q: You said something about the destroying of the white race. Do you mean to say that all mankind except the Indians will be killed?—A. Yes.
Q: How, and who is going to kill the white people?—A. The father is going to cause a big cyclone or whirlwind, by which he will have all the white people to perish.
This apocalyptic vision, while offering hope and liberation to Native Americans facing dispossession and cultural destruction, understandably alarmed white authorities. Kuwapi’s account also reinforces the significance of the trance state in the Ghost Dance. He explained that dancers were believed to faint and visit the “happy hunting ground,” a paradise where they reunited with deceased relatives and received gifts and messages from the spirit world, including buffalo meat and trinkets as tangible proof of their spiritual journey. This belief system provided comfort and reinforced the hope of a restored world free from white oppression.
Kuwapi’s answers also reveal the growing tension and potential for conflict. He acknowledged that Rosebud Sioux were preparing to resist government interference with the Ghost Dance and that some bands were perceived as likely to “do some harm.” This interview underscores the volatile atmosphere of the time, where religious fervor, desperation, and fear of government suppression converged, ultimately leading to the tragic events at Wounded Knee.
Conclusion: Faith, Hope, and Tragedy in the Sioux Ghost Dance
These primary source reports collectively paint a picture of the Sioux Ghost Dance as a complex phenomenon driven by spiritual longing, cultural resilience, and desperate hope in the face of immense hardship. The Ghost Dance offered a vision of renewal, promising the return of traditional ways of life, the reunion with deceased loved ones, and an end to suffering and oppression. While rooted in sincere religious belief and ritualistic practice, the Ghost Dance was misinterpreted and feared by the U.S. government and settlers, contributing to escalating tensions and ultimately culminating in the Wounded Knee Massacre in December 1890. The accounts of Kicking Bear, Mrs. Parker, and William Selwyn provide crucial firsthand perspectives on this pivotal moment in Native American history, highlighting the tragic intersection of faith, hope, and the devastating consequences of cultural misunderstanding and fear.
