Dance, across cultures, serves as a vibrant expression of social structures and beliefs. However, within Native American Dance traditions, these social underpinnings are particularly pronounced and deeply woven into the fabric of community life. For those unfamiliar with these customs, the intricate patterns of social organization reflected in the movements and participation within these dances might be easily missed. Yet, a closer look reveals how gender roles, societal divisions, and spiritual beliefs are not just represented but actively reinforced through the art of dance.
In many Native American dance forms, the very choreography dictates who participates and in what capacity. Some dances are initiated by men alone, later inviting women to join, while others are exclusively the domain of one gender. Among the Iroquois, these distinctions become even more nuanced. Their longhouse dances, for instance, intricately map out the relationships between moieties – the complementary tribal divisions based on kinship or ceremonial roles. Tradition meticulously governs the extent of male and female involvement in all Iroquois dances. Whether they move in unison yet separately, in pairs, or in other configurations, each step is prescribed. Interestingly, even leadership roles within the dance are socially defined; the dance and song leader and their helper must belong to opposing moieties, regardless of whether they guide from the dance floor or the sidelines. This moiety pairing extends to the dance line itself. When women join, either individually or with companions, they are expected to partner with a member of the opposite moiety, a symbolic pairing often referred to as with a “cousin.”
Beyond moieties, Native American dance traditions, such as those found amongst the Iroquois, are further shaped by the presence of public or secret societies. Membership in these societies is often a lifelong commitment, sometimes initiated during times of personal crisis like illness or misfortune. These societies are responsible for performing specific dances with profound cultural significance. Examples include the Iroquois False Face Society’s curative rites, the solemn ohgiwe mortuary dances performed by women to honor the departed, and the dances of the Bear and Buffalo medicine societies, which embrace both genders in their spiritual practices. This model of religious dance societies organized around specific roles extends beyond the Iroquois. Among the warrior societies of the northern Plains Native American tribes, age grades formed the basis of similar dance organizations, further illustrating how social stratification influenced ceremonial dance.
The influence of social organization on Native American dance is not limited to smaller tribal structures. The concheros of Mexico provide an example of an exceptionally complex intertribal organization expressed through dance. Their intricate hierarchy, stretching from a supreme leader (capitán general de la conquista de Tenochtitlán) down through local commanders and military ranks, each with distinct responsibilities linked to devils, sorcerers, and mythological figures, showcases a socially stratified dance practice. Despite incorporating some Spanish elements, the concheros maintain a strong claim to their Aztec heritage, lending credence to the idea that their dance traditions echo older, pre-colonial social structures.
Looking further back to the Aztec civilization, the connection between Native American dance and social status becomes even more explicit. Aztec dances served as potent visual representations of their theocratic government. In stark contrast to the more egalitarian Iroquois customs, the rigidly defined ceremonial roles of Aztec dancer-performers mirrored their hierarchical society, which was composed of priests, nobles, warriors, commoners, serfs, and slaves. The priestly and noble-warrior classes were active participants in the numerous festivals dictated by the intricate Aztec calendar. Priests undertook the crucial task of training noble youths in both priestly duties and the arts of dance and song, ensuring the continuation of these traditions within the elite classes. Warrior youths, in turn, engaged in ceremonial combat dances, while the prestigious eagle and ocelot warrior orders enacted ritual battles with captive slaves during designated festivals. Commoners and serfs, while largely forming the audience, also had specific roles. Commoners sometimes participated in serpent dances alongside the nobility, while serfs occasionally found themselves symbolically attacked and routed by priests in certain ceremonies, highlighting their lower social standing. Gender and age roles were also present, but slaves, often war captives or marketplace purchases, occupied the most passive role, serving as victims within the ceremonial framework.
These Aztec rites were characterized by dramatic juxtapositions: noble versus commoner, old versus young, male versus female. The warrior orders embodied the cosmic struggle between sky and light against earth and darkness, their aggression towards the poorly armed captives enacting the powerful drama of sacrificer and victim. However, the most critical moment of ritualistic Native American dance in Aztec culture brought together the highest and lowest social strata. Priests and passive slaves, representing the opposite ends of the social spectrum, converged to perform the most crucial act of the Aztec dance-drama: human sacrifice. This act, performed in dance, served to close the circle of social gradations, powerfully illustrating how deeply intertwined social roles were with even the most sacred forms of Native American dance. Through diverse examples ranging from the Iroquois to the Aztecs, it becomes clear that understanding Native American dance requires recognizing it not just as an artistic expression, but as a profound reflection and reinforcement of social structures and cultural values.
